The impact of violent video games Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

The impact of violent video games - Essay Example Players compete on a higher level and physically and emotionally than people do when reading literature. I think that video games and literature differ a lot. The difference arises once a consideration that encompasses all the attributes of the video games against those of the contents in literature. There is valid evidence that supports the logic that participating in film sports differs from the experience of reading a book, listening to radio broadcast or viewing a typical movie (Atwaan). The statements imply that there may be differences between players who play the same game. Just as literature, the more active acknowledged positive impact of video games is that they help children to improve their manual diversity and computer literacy. Violent acts include unclear but commonly examples of murder and assault with a deadly weapon. Besides, accidents that might result to death of a person and torture are part of the violence. Literature has different impacts to a person. The influence is mostly influential to individuals below the age of eighteen whereby video or graphic violence. They arouse strong emotions that range from excitement and titillation to even terror. The fact also depends on the mindset of the viewer and the method that contains its presentation. Unlike literature, video games are presented in adult action genre and is expected to evoke excite feelings of the targeted demographic without inducing disgust or revulsion. I think the comparison between literature and video games differ and do not have the same impacts on an individual who uses them. In addition, video games that have been a source of controversy of violence tend to be interactive and not passive when compared to research. This clearly indicates how video games and literature differ Video games violence differ in many ways , it has impacted different emotions on children and the viewer of the same they can lead to alienation , psychiatric diodes ,suicide risk,

General Trends of English Politics Before The Viking Invasions Essay Example for Free

General Trends of English Politics Before The Viking Invasions Essay Do you detect any general trend or trends in the pattern of English politics before the Viking invasions? Although there were sporadic Viking attacks on the coasts of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms from 793 onwards, the Viking invasions, when large forces started to appear for sustained campaigns, should probably be seen as beginning in 865, when a heathen army encamped on Thanet.1 Before this time, we see a trend in English politics of increasingly extensive overlordship of some kings over others. There is debate about the extent of these overlordships, but it seems reasonable to suggest that certain kings at certain times were able to dominate other kingdoms, and also that there was some increase in the area a king might aspire to control. However, there is more argument about what this trend might mean, and particularly whether it can be seen as part of an inexorable progression towards the unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in the ninth and tenth centuries. I shall argue that the pattern tended to a limit, and that there is no reason to see unification as its inevitable result, for three main reasons. Firstly, we see another trend that, as kingdoms grew both in size and strength, it became harder to convert overlordship into amalgamation, although this is seen in some cases. Secondly, I shall contend that the overlordship seen was based upon opportunism, with little or no institutional continuity between different overlords. Thirdly, the nature of Anglo-Saxon politics was such that no kingdom before the Viking invasions could sustain its ascendancy sufficiently for the trends to represent long-term moves towards unification. The best way to explain the eventual unification is not as a result of long-term trends, but as West Saxon opportunism at a time when the other kingdoms were weak, buttressed by a latent sense of united ecclesiastical identity, which the Viking threat brought to the surface. The main trend that we see in the pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon kingdoms is the growth of overlordship, whereby one political unit, while retaining a degree of separate identity, and quite possibly its own ruler, was dominated by another. Bede uses a variety of terms to refer to different rulers, including rex, princeps and subregulus. The impression that one gets from this is a complex patchwork of kings, with some subordinate to others: Dumville and Campbell both justifiably point out that the terminological variety suggests that there was no universal pattern, but a web of dependent relationships; this is similar to the situation in Ireland at the same time. It is likely that such relationships go back to the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon period; Kirby points out that this would hardly be surprising, since Tacitus describes similar hierarchies in Germany. However, we do see overlordship being exercised over increasingly large areas: the traditional starting point here is Bedes list of sev en kings who ruled over all the southern kingdoms. 2 The evidence does generally support the view that these kings exercised considerable power over large parts of England. Keynes asserts that it is inconceivable that Aelle of Sussex and Ceawlin of Wessex, the first two rulers, could have wide ranging power. We know little about them, but the Chronicle entries do suggest that they were significant and had successes, particularly against the Britons.3 Furthermore, Myres studies of the distribution of pottery fragments suggest that both rulers exercised some authority in the Midlands and East Anglia, since pottery finds match those in their native kingdoms. The evidence is not sufficient to suggest that they had control as far north as the Humber, but we would be unwise to dismiss the idea that these kings had some form of overlordship over much of southern England. Furthermore, Keynes is sceptical about Aethelbert of Kents power, suggesting that Bedes reiteration of the claim that he was king of all the land south of the Humber4 shows that this was dubious, requiring repetition to convince readers. However, the papal appeal that Aethelbert should spread the Word to his subjects suggests that he had considerable power, as Higham argues, even if he was not literally king of the English, the style accorded to him by the appeal.5 It is less easy to rebut Keynes diminution of Raedwald of East Anglia, since we know very little about him. If we could be more certain that the person buried at Sutton Hoo is indeed Raedwald (as many historians posit), we could assume that he was a very rich and powerful king; however, Keynes does not give us any positive reason to doubt Bedes claim regarding Raedwalds wide overlordship. Although Keynes asserts that Bede makes inflated claims about the scope of the influence of Edwin, Oswald and Oswiu of Northumbria, there is no strong evidence to support this: Bedes account is internally consistent, giving examples of these kings intervening in the Mevanian Islands (Angelsey and Man),6 Wessex,7 East Anglia,8 and Mercia9 at various times. These interventions could be entirely military (as is implied for the islands) or could involve peaceful shows of power, such as Oswalds participation in the baptism of Cynigils of Wessex. It seems reasonable to conclude that these kings did exert influence across large parts of Southumbria and it appears that the areas they could control increased; Keynes attempt to deny extensive overlordship in this period to strengthen his (already strong) case against a formal Bretwaldic institution is not particularly convincing. Furthermore, overlordship did not end with Oswiu: indeed, the later Mercian kings were possibly even more successful in securing practical overlordship across much of Southumbria. Bede acknowledges that the southern kingdoms were subject to Aethelbald at the time he was writing,10 supporting Dumvilles conclusion that the omission of the Mercian kings from the earlier list was prompted by concern to curtail the digression from Aethelberts death, rather than Northumbrian bias. There is evidence of Mercian hegemony in the south before Aethelbald: Bede explicitly states that the South Saxons were subject to Wulfhere11 and Eddius refers to Wulfheres ability to draw forces from all the southern kingdoms.12 Furthermore, charters give us evidence that Mercian kings were overlords in Southumbria: in the Ismere Diploma, Aethelbald is styled king not only of the Mercians but also of all provinces which are called by the general name South English';13 Offa could confirm a land grant by an ealdorman of the South Saxons;14 Offa was apparently the most beloved lord of the Hwicce;15 Offa was in a position to revoke a grant of land by the King Egbert of Kent;16 Wiglaf could grant land in Worcestershire;17 and Brihtwulf could do the same in Berkshire.18 This charter evidence is very important: it demonstrates that the kings of Mercia in this period claimed authority over other southern kingdoms and also implies that this authority could have practical manifestations, such as the right to grant land or at least to confirm grants made by their underkings. The extent of their authority seems to decline after Offa, but the principle of overlordship, in a more limited sense, continued. One of the most debated possible indicators of widespread Mercian overlordship is the document known as the Tribal Hidage. The difficulties and ambiguities of this text are such that the charter evidence cited is a far stronger sign of extensive Mercian overlordship, but there is a significant possibility that the Tribal Hidage is a Mercian tribute list, estimating the tribute that the Mercian kings hoped to collect from southern kingdoms. Highams bold self-confidence in dismissing a Mercian origin is unwise, in that such levels of certainty are wholly inappropriate in this context: all we can do is suggest hypotheses, while accepting that other hypotheses may be valid. As Featherstone and Sawyer point out, the methodical arrangement, with the kingdoms being arranged in an approximately clockwise order around Mercia, hints at a Mercian origin. The inclusion of a figure for Mercia, which Higham sees as evidence that the document is a Northumbrian tribute list, might be an assessment of internal food renders, Featherstone suggests. The preservation and copying of the Tribal Hidage imply that there was some practical purpose in estimating the hidation of Southumbria: it is still possible to accept tentatively the claims of Davies and Vierck that the Tribal Hidage is an indicator of widespread Mercian overlordship. There is some agreement that Egbert of Wessex, whom the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle appends to Bedes list of overlords and styles Bretwalda (Manuscript A ruler of Britain) or Brytenwalda (other Manuscripts wide ruler), was overlord of extensive territories. Keynes accepts the Chronicles claim that Egbert conquered the kingdom of the Mercians, and everything south of the Humber;19 this statement must cast doubt upon Stentons assertion that the extent of Egberts overlordship was not comparable to Offas. Nevertheless, Keynes claim that Egbert was the first, not the eighth, wide ruler is dubious: the evidence very strongly suggests that overlordship had been an aspect of Anglo-Saxon politics for centuries. However, the territories being brought under a single overlord were tending to increase in scale: the archaeological record suggests that the early great kings, like Aelle and Ceawlin, could aspire to rule much of the land south of the Humber, but nothing like as much as the later Mercians and Egbert. This trend was not relentless: in the period between Offa and Egbert, there is little evidence of comprehensive overlordship on the scale of either of these rulers. Although we observe this trend towards the formation of more extensive overlordships, we should not conclude, as Stenton and John do, that this trend could be extrapolated to encompass the unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. In the first place, it seems to have been increasingly difficult to convert overlordship into the actual amalgamation of kingdoms. Initially, with small kingdoms, it may not have been unduly difficult to effect such assimilation: Yorke points out that East Kent seems to have consumed West Kent sometime during the sixth century. Indeed, much amalgamation probably occurred in the sixth century, before the various kingdoms that we see emerged. Furthermore, it was often possible for a larger kingdom to digest a smaller one: this is seen in the cases of Deira (eventually subsumed into Bernicia after 651) and the Hwicce (gradually divested of independence by Mercia in the eighth century). However, integration was not always smooth: despite being united under Aethelfrith and Edwin, Deira was ruled separately under Oswine from 642 until 651. In the latter part of the pre-Viking period, it would have been very difficult for one of the greater kingdoms to consume another permanently: this is suggested by the fact that, despite their struggles and periods of subjection to one another, Northumbria, East Anglia, Mercia and Wessex all survived until the Viking onslaught. An illustration of this difficulty is the case of Mercia: Oswiu of Northumbria was only able to rule Mercia directly for three years after his victory in 655; he was driven out by the Mercian ealdormen in 658. Similarly, Egberts domination of Mercia was not secure: he was recognised as king by the Mercians in 829 but Wiglaf was restored in 830. Indeed, it would seem that political union was most successful when it was pursued gently: unlike Offas aggressive attempts to dominate Kent from 764 until 785, Wessexs absorption of Kent and Sussex was done with sensitivity to the local nobles; this did, however, mean that the sense of union was perhaps not cemented, as is suggested by Aethelwulfs proposed division of Greater Wessex, with Aethelbert succeeding in the East and his other sons taking Wessex itself in turn. However, unification in the ninth and tenth centuries can be explained in that the situation after the coming of the Vikings was different, since Mercia, East Anglia and Northumbria were seriously weakened by the attacks, aiding Wessexs expansion. Moreover, the overlordship that we see was probably highly opportunistic, without institutional underpinnings. Yorke is probably right that the principal motivation for overlordship was the collection of tribute: Bede mentions tribute in connection with overlordship20 and Eddius says that Wulfheres purpose in attacking Northumbria was to gain tribute.21 Furthermore, the Mercians could presumably have conquered a tribe like the Hicca (assessed at a mere 300 hides in the Tribal Hidage), had they wished to do so; that such tribes existed as notionally independent entities suggests that, if the Tribal Hidage is a Mercian tribute list, the Mercians were content with tribute rather than political union. However, John argues that there was some kind of institutional framework and that overlordship was being gradually translated into unification. Key to this argument is the adoption of formal titles by kings: John contends that the ideal of a united Britain was a real one in kings minds, citing the use of various titles. The most famous of these is Bretwalda or, as John prefers, Brytenwalda, which appear in different versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle;22 I shall not become drawn into an argument about which style is the original, because the ambiguity and confusion is sufficient of itself, as Wormald argues, to cast doubt upon the existence of such an institution in reality. Clearly, whoever was copying the manuscripts was not familiar with the term, which suggests that it was a literary construct devised retrospectively to describe Egbert; its frequent application to kings like Aelle and Raedwald is therefore probably anachronistic and Kirbys vision of kings striving to become Bretwalda23 is most likely to be fanciful. John also argues that other titles imply the existence of some kind of abstract concept of overlordship separate from the individual kings who happened to be overlords. For example, he highlights that Adomnan says that Oswald was ordained by God as emperor of all of Britain24 and that Boniface refers to Aethelbald wielding the glorious sceptre of imperial rule over the English.25 This evidence, combined with the point about Bretwaldas, is a rather thin basis for a case: it is quite possible that the titles were simply being used for flattery; the fact that Boniface calls Aethelbald king of the Mercians in his letter asking Herefrith to deliver the previous communication suggests that the imperial title used in the letter to Aethelbald was unofficial.26 Moreover, Offa is also generally styled king of the Mercians,27 as is Cenwulf.28 In their charters, they tend to claim to be kings of various kingdoms, rather than stressing titles of institutional overlordship. If there was no institution of overlordship, each de facto overlordship would have to start afresh in trying to create cohesion: the trend of increasingly extensive overlordship was not therefore destined to result in the formation of England, since there was often little continuity between the different overlords. The sense of common identity that began to emerge by the later ninth century (Alfred could speak of Angelkynn and Englisc) probably had far more to do with religious unity in the face of the pagan Viking threat. As Wormald argues, the Church, rather than the so-called Bretwaldas, was the institution that provided a common reference point for the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, by stressing that the Gens Anglorum was a chosen people, selected to receive the Word. Given that there were most probably no institutions to produce continuity in overlordship, momentum towards unification could only be maintained as long as a particular kingdom was in the ascendant; however, the nature of Anglo-Saxon politics in this period was such that success tended to be transient. We see this is Northumbria, whose hegemony collapsed very quickly after defeats at the Battle of the Trent (679) and Nechtansmere (685). Likewise, Mercian hegemony seems to have declined gradually after Offa. There was, to a significant extent, a natural instability in the pattern of politics: kings required land to grant to warriors (to secure their support), which required the conquest of land, which required more warriors; this pattern was clearly unsustainable in the longer term. The importance of giving gifts to warriors is seen in Beowulf, where Hrothgar says that he will dispense / his God-given goods to young and old;29 Bede shows that such gifts were necessary in the real world, expressing concern that excessive endowment of secularised monasteries had left Northumbria with insufficient land to grant to warriors. 30 There is evidence to suggest that warriors would desert their lord, if he ceased to provide them with treasure and land: Aldhelm expresses disapproval of those who do this in his letter to the clergy of Bishop Wilfrid.31 Probably, the importance of conquering new lands explains why the initiative shifted away from the south-east to Northumbria, Mercia and Wessex: these kingdoms could, at least for a while, conquer land from Britons, in a way that kingdoms like Kent could not. A notable feature of both Beowulf and Anglo-Saxon politics is that kingdoms tended to come to grief sooner or later; success was rarely lasting. Another source of instability was internal dynastic politics: there seem to have been frequent civil wars. This is hardly surprising given that, according to Dumville, any aetheling could claim the throne through descent in the male line from the founder of the kingdom: the multiplicity of aethelings32 would not infrequently compete for the kingship. The Historia Regum attributed to Simeon of Durham demonstrates that four different dynasties competed for the Northumbrian throne between 759 and 796, with murders, exiles and (probably forced) tonsures being common.33 Similarly, there is evidence of the threat of dynastic instability in Mercia, in that Offa decided to eliminate his son Cenwulfs potential competitors; Alcuin attributes conflict in Cenwulfs reign to this policy and says that this was not the strengthening of his kingdom, but its ruin. 34 Given that there were such internal problems, it is hardly surprising that kingdoms could lose overlordship quickly, as dynastic politics came to predominate. The importance of dynastic stability is seen in the eventual rise of Wessex: Egberts successes against Mercia came when the latter was probably engaged in dynastic wrangles; Campbell suspects that neither Ludeca (825-7) nor Wiglaf (827-40) were related to their predecessors. On the other hand, the West Saxon succession was more stable, as Dumville points out: this is seen in the succession in turn of Aethelwulfs sons, even if it did not conform entirely to Aethelwulfs intentions. However, dynastic tension was generally a feature of the pre-Viking period: this contributed to the rapid rise and fall of kingdoms, meaning that overlordship could not consolidate into unification. We do therefore see a trend towards greater overlordships in this period, though it must be noted that this trend was gradual and not entirely linear. Nevertheless, it is clear that certain kings were able to exert influence over far larger areas just before the Viking invasions than others could at the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon period. However, it would be unwise to extrapolate this trend and interpret it as some kind of progression towards the eventual unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms under the West Saxons. It became harder to translate overlordship into political amalgamation as kingdoms grew, and overlordship was not itself stable, given the internal vicissitudes of kingdoms. We see that, before the later ninth and tenth centuries, no kingdom could sustain overlordship for long and, in the absence of recognised institutions of overlordship, this meant that whatever progress might conceivably have been made towards unification under one overlord was lost when his kingdoms power waned. The rise of Wessex was predicated upon factors that mostly could not have been foreseen: it was able to take advantage of the weakness of the other English kingdoms in the wake of the Viking attacks and could exploit the latent sense of religious unity, which was probably made stronger by the common, external, pagan threat. Bassetts extended metaphor of a knockout football competition, which inevitably produces a single winner, is not particularly apposite; while we might nowadays modify Kembles nineteenth century allusions (he described overlordship as a mere fluctuating superiority such as we may find in Hawaii, Tahiti or New Zealand, due to success in war and lost in turn by defeat35), his basic conclusion, that the overlordships that we see in the pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon kingdoms were not leading inexorably towards unification, still seems entirely reasonable. Bibliography Sources: Adomnan, Life of Columba, ed. and trans. R. Sharpe (1995) Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, in English Historical Documents, i, 1, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Beowulf, trans. S. Heaney (1999) Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ed. and trans. B. Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors (1969) Bede, Letter to Egbert, in English Historical Documents, i, 170, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Eddius, Life of St Wilfred, in English Historical Documents, i, 154, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Simeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in English Historical Documents, i, 3, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Charters: in English Historical Documents, i, 54, 66-7, 76-7, 79-80, 85-7 Letters: in English Historical Documents, i, 165-6, 177-9, 191-3, 195, 197-200, 202, 204-5, 208-10, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Secondary works: S. Bassett (ed.), The Origins of the Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms (1989) M.P. Brown and C.A. Farr (eds.), Mercia: An Anglo-Saxon Kingdom in Europe (2001) J. Campbell, Bedes Reges and Principes (Jarrow Lecture 1979), in J. Campbell, Essays in Anglo-Saxon History (1986) J. Campbell (ed.), The Anglo-Saxons (1982) J. Campbell, The Impact of the Sutton Hoo Discovery on the Study of Anglo-Saxon History, in J. Campbell, The Anglo-Saxon State (2000) W. Davies and H. Vierck, The Contexts of the Tribal Hidage: Social Aggregates and Settlement Patterns, in Frà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½hmittelalterliche Studien 8 (1974) D.N. Dumville, The Aetheling: a study in Anglo-Saxon Constitutional History, in Anglo-Saxon England 8 (1979) D.N. Dumville, The Terminology of Overkingship in Early Anglo-Saxon England, in The Anglo-Saxons from the Migration Period to the Eighth Century: An Ethnographic Perspective, ed. J. Hines (1997) N.J. Higham, An English Empire: Bede and the early Anglo-Saxon kings (1995) D. Hill, Offas Dyke: Pattern and Purpose, in Antiquaries Journal 80 (2000) E. John, Orbis Britanniae and the Anglo-Saxon Kings, in E. John, Orbis Britanniae (1966) J.M. Kemble, The Saxons in England, ed. and revised W. De G. Birch (1876) S. Keynes, Raedwald the Bretwalda, in Voyage to the Other World: the Legacy of Sutton Hoo, ed. C.B. Kendall and P.S. Wells (1992) S. Keynes, England 700-900, in The New Cambridge Medieval History II, c.700-c.900, ed. R. McKitterick (1995) D.P. Kirby, The Making of Early England (1967) D.P. Kirby, The Earliest English Kings (1991) J.N.L. Myres, Anglo-Saxon Pottery and the Settlement of England (1969) P.H. Sawyer, From Roman Britain to Norman England (1998) F.M. Stenton, The Supremacy of the Mercian Kings (1918), in F.M. Stenton, Preparatory to Anglo-Saxon England (1970) F.M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (1971) A. Williams, Kingship and Government in Pre-Conquest England c.500-1066 (1999) P. Wormald, Bede, the Bretwaldas and the Origins of the Gens Anglorum, in Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society: Studies presented to J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, ed. P. Wormald et al. (1983) P. Wormald, The Venerable Bede and the Church of the English, The English Religious Tradition and the Genius of Anglicanism, ed. G. Rowell (1992) B. Yorke, Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England (1990) 1 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 865 2 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 5 3 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 485, 491, 568, 577, 584 4 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, i, 25; ii, 3; ii, 5 5 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, i, 32 6 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 5; ii, 9 7 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 9; iii, 7 8 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 14 9 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 16 10 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, v, 23 11 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, iii, 30 12 Eddius, Life of St Wilfred, 20 13 English Historical Documents, i, 67 14 English Historical Documents, i, 76 15 English Historical Documents, i, 77 16 English Historical Documents, i, 80 17 English Historical Documents, i, 85 18 English Historical Documents, i, 87 19 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 829 20 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 5; iii, 24 21 Eddius, Life of St Wilfred, 20 22 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 829 23 Kirby, The Making of Early England, p 54 24 Adomnan, Life of Columba, i, 1 25 English Historical Documents, i, 177 26 English Historical Documents, i, 178 27 English Historical Documents, i, 191, 198, 210 28 English Historical Documents, i, 204, 205 29 Beowulf, lines 72-3 30 Bede, Letter to Egbert 31 English Historical Documents, i, 165 32 Dumville, The aetheling: a study in Anglo-Saxon constitutional history, p 13 33 Simeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in English Historical Documents, i, 3 34 English Historical Documents, i, 202 35 Kemble, The Saxons in England, volume ii, p 17

Faulkners A Rose for Emily Essay -- American Literature William Faulk

1. - Theme. 2. - Conflicts, tensions and ambiguity. 3. -Symbolism. 4. - Narrative elements: point of view, tone and narrative structure. 1. - Theme. The main theme of the Faulkner's short story is the relationship between the past and present in Emily Grierson, the protagonist. She did not accept the passage of time throughout all her life, keeping everything she loved in the past with her. The story shows Emily's past and her family story. This information explains her behaviour towards time. Firstly, her father's lack of desire to move on into the future and his old-fashioned ways kept Emily away from the changing society and away from any kind of social relationship: "None of the young men were quite good enough for Miss Emily and such."(pp. 123). "We remembered all the young men her father had driven away." (pp124) Emily accepted this imposed role as a recluse in her own house and a woman dependent on one male figure, her father. When he died, Emily did not allow taking the corpse to the authorities. She did not want to admit her father's death. After his funeral, Emily kept herself away from changing time in her house until she met Homer Barron. They started to date and she even thought about marriage, but when he tried to leave her, she poisoned him and maintained his dead body for years in order to keep him by her side, away from the passing of time. But at the end, after many years of attempting to defeat time, Miss Emily felt victim of it. She met the same fate as her father and Homer Barron. Throughout the short story "A Rose for Emily", time is a continuous theme represented by the character of Emily Grierson, a product of her own environment, who rejected the time's changes into the future. 2.... ...ver, in the first and fifth sections the chronological order is a complete mess, moving from present to past and vice versa. Finally, to sum up, "A Rose for Emily" is a very complex short story which could be analysed from many different points of view and by different theories of literary criticism. For example, a psychoanalytic analysis would study the mental illness of Emily, or the feminist criticism would analyse how Emily spent all her life depending on male figures. Although, I have chosen the new critical method because it offers a very close analysis of the text and because makes possible the appreciation of the great variety of literary recourses which Faulkner used in "A Rose for Emily". Works Cited Faulkner, William. "A Rose for Emily." Literature: An Introduction to Fiction, Poetry, and Drama. Ed. X.J. Kennedy. New York: Harpers Collins, 1991.

Sustainable Tourism: a Hope or a Necessity?

Sustainable Tourism: A Hope or a Necessity? The Case of Tofino, British Columbia, Canada The purpose of this research was to examine different stakeholder perspectives of tourism in Tofino in order to determine impacts and challenges relating to tourism development and long-term sustainability. This paper seeks to explore the current situation and recommendations for the future development of Tofino through a multi-stakeholder process.It builds upon previous research conducted by Welk (2006) and by Dodds & Basu (2008). The aim of this paper therefore is to examine stakeholder theory and resource dependence theory as it applies to a tourism destination with a key focus on water as it is a vital resource for successful tourism. Additionally the stage of life cycle of the tourism destination as well as the concept of Limits of Acceptable Change is discussed to provide context. 2. 1 Theories: Tools to Manage?Many islands depend heavily on the natural resources of an area and it is these resources authors believe that sustainable tourism is the responsibilify of all stakeholders Stakeholders are defined as any individual or group who can affect the firms' performance or who is affected by the achievement of the organization's objectives (Freeman, 1984). is important to understand the views of stakeholders as they can motivate or impede sustainabilify in organizations. dentified motives and barriers to sustainabilify such as economic considerations, political power and salience, coordination between stakeholders, accountabilify of all stakeholders, lacks of will and integration between govemment bodies (Ioannides, 2001; Dodds, 2007a; 2007b). The life cycle model describes six stages of an evolutionary sequence that a tourist area passes through: exploration, involvement, development, consolidation, stagnation and rejuvenation or decline.The life cycle outlines, that as airports, accommodation and other tourist facilities are provided, awareness grows, but visitors wi ll eventually decline as capacify is reached. Each stage is accompanied by changes in the nature and extent of facilities provided and the local/non local provision of these. Limits of Acceptable Change is a management tool for setting limits or managing totirism are assessing carrying capacity, or developing indicators for totirism optimization.Limits of Acceptable Change (LAC) attempts to assess stress in both the natural and social and economic environment and to define the maximum degree of change that is tolerable. Tourism Development in Tofino focused on marketing efforts rather than assessing resource or other livelihood issues. From a lifecycle analysis. rapid growth of tourism increased infrastructure in and around Tofino, this has often resulted in negative social and ecological impacts such as the lack of adequate inft-astructure to cope with garbage and sewage, isolation or lack of adequate community facilities and disruption to livelihoods due to the cost of living.In a ddition, according to the provincial govemment, the region has been experiencing drier than normal conditions. lack of water Methodology interviews were held with 38 stakeholders. sampling approach, Findings Economy outside influences (e. g. competition, environment disaster such as a mudslide or road closure due to one road access). Capacity/Infrasfructure promoted without supporting the infrastructure needed for growth. Water, According to the District Treasurer, Sewage. Govemance Development ow tax base that greatly affects the income back for repairing infrastructure Communify Benefits Accessibility to tourist Second Homes accommodations and staff housing. that B&B and second homes are providing tourist accomniodation but not contributing taxes. First Nations Treafy Negotiations Don’t ignore indigenous people Conservation over the increase in garbage bears due to beach areas overflowing with garbage from high use. Effect for nature animals . Transport Labor skilled labor shortage and with the advent of tourism, many staff are unskilled.Low pay. Media could affect its historically good image. Tofino's Future educational initiative was seen by many respondents as innovative, however it should be noted that conservation of water and energy is standard practice year-round in most accommodations worldwide. Change is incremental: Water: response to water shortage rather than standard practice. Some efforts have been made during water shortage to educate the visitor and regular water monitoring. Waste: Recycling efforts are slowly growing although limited.Energy: green building code. solar energy. Most boating operators have made efforts to reduce fuel consumption Local sourcing: nitiative and ‘green breakfast sidents are attending workshops on local food production and food securify. Public transport: Education: negative impacts of development as it has limited natural and social resources . critical stage of its lifecycle. very elements that attrac t tourists are dependent on its natural and build resources. Water shortages, sewage treatment, transport and housing.The media has outlined a number of issues that has drawn a negative. This finding supports recent findings by Dodds and Basu (2008) in that there is no overarching plan for a different model of tourism and no strategies or specific promotion of sustainable tourism practices for visitors or businesses to follow which may help alleviate infrastructure and social pressures. planning and considerations for sustainability First, a cohesive and comprehensive plan, which includes planning for long-term development.Secondly, there is the need to identify and defme Limits of Acceptable Change to govem for the long-term sustainabilify through a Master Plan. Third, Tourism Tofino as the key marketing and promotional agency, and one that represents many tourism business interests, should play a representative role for businesses in the govemance and development of tourism Fourth , there is a need to generate income for infrastmcture and livelihood requirements for the residents Fifth, there is a need to diversify indusfries to attract year round businesses and professionals.

How to Break Up with Your Boyfriend

How to cope with being dumped by your boyfriend â€Å"I pray your brakes go out running down a hill, I pray a flower pot falls from a window sill, and knocks you in the head like I'd like to.. † Pray for you-Jaron and the long road to love. When you have a boyfriend whose cheating on you, you need to take certain steps to ensure that you make him as miserable as he made you. You will need to show him that the break up didn't hurt you (even if it really did), delete his phone number from his contacts and delete him off of facebook, and flirt with other boys and have fun!To show him that you didn't care about the break up call him up some day and ask him to go to lunch or a movie, when he says yes make sure you have enough time to get yourself looking super good before your date. Show up a few minutes late so you can make an entrance and just go in and sit down, after a few minutes of awkward silence say ‘I'm so glad we broke up, I've been seeing this other guy and I think it's going to work out really well, my family loves him. Don't explain any more and get up and walk away. He will be sitting there wondering what the heck he just threw out the window, and you being so happy about it will really hit him where it hurts. When you delete his phone number and delete him from facebook he will no longer be able to ‘check up' on you, which will drive him insane. Go out and have fun with your girls and show him that you're having the time of your life, and he's really missing out on it.If he texts you just reply with a simple â€Å"hey, who is this? † and nothing more, he'll wonder why you deleted his number out of your phone and realize you really are done with him.. Which will really hurt his ego. Flirt alot! if you ever see him out or around school act really playful with all of the guys around you, even his friends, if you have enough courage to do so.If he sits a couple seats behind you in class make a plan with one of your friends to tal k about this new mysterious guy you've been seeing and really make him wonder who it could be, and who could be so much better than he was? â€Å"I pray your birthday comes and nobody calls, I pray you're flying high when your engine stalls, I pray all your dreams, never come true.. † Pray for you -Jaron and the long road to love. So when you get broken up with the next time, and it's really hurting you, try these three easy steps in making it look easy, in the process!

Free Essays on Urbainization

Segregation In Urban Areas Since urbanization began in European cities, there has always been segregation, either by class, socio-economic status, political affiliation, etc. In modern American cities stratification is most heavily linked to class or race. There are many reasons that segregation in cities take place, and we will explore the more prevalent ideas of social stratification. When urban centers in America were beginning to take shape, people moved in droves to these industrial metropolises to find work and success. We studied earlier the effects of this mass immigration to cities and saw the horrid living conditions that people endured to find work. The overcrowding of cities made ghettos obvious and wealth was not directly associated with the masses of people moving in. Through the years, urban areas grew with new suburban towns encircling the city. Wealthier people inhabited these suburban areas with the ability to move in and out of cities at their own will. Cities became a melting pot of cultures in a small area. People of the same ethnic background often moved into neighborhoods in which their own culture was dominant as to fit in and feel more at home. These areas are obvious in places such as Libman 2 Chinatown, or â€Å"Little Italy†. Southie, in Boston is dominated by the working class Irish people that came to the American cities as many others did: looking for work, and the American Dream. These social groupings are one way that cities become segregated. This segregation is not the discriminatory term that we usually attribute to the phrase, but the separation of social groups. â€Å"The city in the 1920’s was often a battleground as various groups within the population struggled for social and cultural authority.† New laws in urban centers gave way to a new cultural group as well: criminals. Organized crime in the 1920’s was widespread; â€Å"In New York, Chicago, Detroit, and other ci... Free Essays on Urbainization Free Essays on Urbainization Segregation In Urban Areas Since urbanization began in European cities, there has always been segregation, either by class, socio-economic status, political affiliation, etc. In modern American cities stratification is most heavily linked to class or race. There are many reasons that segregation in cities take place, and we will explore the more prevalent ideas of social stratification. When urban centers in America were beginning to take shape, people moved in droves to these industrial metropolises to find work and success. We studied earlier the effects of this mass immigration to cities and saw the horrid living conditions that people endured to find work. The overcrowding of cities made ghettos obvious and wealth was not directly associated with the masses of people moving in. Through the years, urban areas grew with new suburban towns encircling the city. Wealthier people inhabited these suburban areas with the ability to move in and out of cities at their own will. Cities became a melting pot of cultures in a small area. People of the same ethnic background often moved into neighborhoods in which their own culture was dominant as to fit in and feel more at home. These areas are obvious in places such as Libman 2 Chinatown, or â€Å"Little Italy†. Southie, in Boston is dominated by the working class Irish people that came to the American cities as many others did: looking for work, and the American Dream. These social groupings are one way that cities become segregated. This segregation is not the discriminatory term that we usually attribute to the phrase, but the separation of social groups. â€Å"The city in the 1920’s was often a battleground as various groups within the population struggled for social and cultural authority.† New laws in urban centers gave way to a new cultural group as well: criminals. Organized crime in the 1920’s was widespread; â€Å"In New York, Chicago, Detroit, and other ci...

Connotation and Denotation - Commonly Confused Words

Connotation and Denotation - Commonly Confused Words The nouns denotation and connotation both have to do with the meanings of words, but denotative meaning isnt quite the same as connotative meaning. Definitions The noun denotation refers to the direct or explicit meaning of a word or phrase - that is, its dictionary definition. Verb: denote. Adjective: denotative.The noun  connotation  refers to the implied meaning or association of a word or phrase apart from the thing it explicitly identifies. A connotation can be positive or negative. Verb:  connote. Adjective:  connotative. It is possible for the connotation and denotation of a word or phrase to be in conflict with each other. Denotation is typically straightforward, while connotations develop in social contexts. The connotation of a word may vary between different groups, eras, or settings, so context is crucial. See the usage notes below. Also see: Choosing the Best Words: Denotations and ConnotationsCommonly Confused Words: Connote and DenoteConnotation  and  DenotationGlossary of Usage: Index of Commonly Confused Words Examples and Context The southern accent was the primary identifying mark of the hillbilly; the term has a definite regional connotation. . . .  The term also suggested that those to whom it was applied had a rural origin; this  connotation  persists in later descriptions of the hillbillies. Most important, it had a definite class  connotation.(Lewis M. Killian,  White Southerners, rev. ed. University of Massachusetts Press, 1985)You do realize that saying we need to talk to your girlfriend has ominous  connotations?(Kay Panabaker as Daphne Powell in the television program  No Ordinary Family, 2011)The denotation of a word is its prescribed, dictionary-type definition. For example, the sentence you just read gives you the denotation of the word denotation, because it told you its definition.(David Rush, A Student Guide to Play Analysis. Southern Illinois University Press, 2005) Usage Notes   The Relative Weight of Denotative and Connotative MeaningsIndividual words vary considerably in the relative weight of their denotative and connotative meanings. Most technical terms, for example, have very little connotation. That is their virtue: they denote an entity or concept precisely and unambiguously without the possible confusion engendered by fringe meanings: diode, spinnaker, cosine. We may think of such words as small and compactall nucleus, so to speak. . . .Connotation looms larger than denotation in other cases. Some words have large and diffuse meanings. What matters is their secondary or suggestive meanings, not their relatively unimportant denotations. The expression old-fashioned, for instance, hauls a heavy load of connotations. It denotes belonging to, or characteristic of, the past. But far more important than that central meaning is the connotation, or rather two quite different connotations, that have gathered about the nucleus: (1) valuable, worthy of honor a nd emulation and (2) foolish, ridiculous, out-of-date; to be avoided. With such words the large outer, or connotative, circle is significant; the nucleus small and insignificant.(Thomas S. Kane, The New Oxford Guide to Writing. Oxford University Press, 1988) Connotation and ContextDenotation tends to be described as the  definitional,  literal, obvious or common-sense meaning of a  sign. In the case of linguistic signs, the denotative meaning is what the  dictionary  attempts to provide. . . . The term connotation is used to refer to the socio-cultural and personal associations (ideological, emotional, etc.) of the sign. These are typically related to the interpreters class, age, gender, ethnicity and so on. Connotation is thus  context-dependent.(Daniel Chandler,  Semiotics: The Basics, 2nd ed. Routledge, 2007)ComplicationsThe distinction between denotation and connotation was important in literary criticism and theory from the 1930s to the 1970s. The denotation of a word or phrase is its literal or obvious meaning or reference as specified in a dictionary; the connotations of a word or phrase are the secondary or associated significances that it commonly suggests or implies. This distinction is complicated in practice bec ause many words have more than one denotation and because dictionaries sometimes include definitions of a word based on connotation as well as denotation. E.g., the first set of definitions of the word rose given by the OED tells us that a rose is both a well-known beautiful and fragrant flower and a rose-plant, rose-bush, or rose-tree; in addition, the OED gives a number of allusive, emblematic, or figurative uses (e.g., a bed of roses or under the rose) that reveal the huge store of cultural connotations associated with the flower.(T. Furniss, Connotation and Denotation. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, 4th ed.. edited by Stephen Cushman et al, Princeton University Press, 2012) Practice   (a) There is a human sense that an agreementalmost any agreementwill bring peace, but also a fear that it will compromise the national sovereignty. Negotiation with another nation may carry the positive _____ of overcoming conflict but also the negative_____ of betraying loyalties.(John H. Barton, The Politics of Peace. Stanford University Press, 1981)(b) The _____ of the word skinny is quite similar in definition to the word slim; however, when students are asked whether they would prefer to be called skinny or slim they usually answer slim.(Vicki L. Cohen and John Edwin Cowen, Literacy for Children in an Information Age: Teaching Reading, Writing, and Thinking. Thomson Wadsworth, 2008) Answers to Practice Exercises below. Answers to Practice Exercises: connotation and denotation (a)  (a) There is a human sense that an agreementalmost any agreementwill bring peace, but also a fear that it will compromise the national sovereignty. Negotiation with another nation may carry the positive connotation  of overcoming conflict but also the negative connotation of betraying loyalties.(John H. Barton,  The Politics of Peace. Stanford University Press, 1981)(b) The denotation of the word skinny is quite similar in definition to the word slim; however, when students are asked whether they would prefer to be called skinny or slim they usually answer slim.(Vicki L. Cohen and John Edwin Cowen, Literacy for Children in an Information Age: Teaching Reading, Writing, and Thinking. Thomson Wadsworth, 2008)